The Constantinople War Crimes Trials: The legal response to the Armenian Genocide

By: Vaché Thomassian

As a result of the world’s inability to criminally punish the perpetrators of the Armenian Genocide, the Ninth World Congress of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation made the decision to track down and execute the most culpable Ottoman leaders in a covert undertaking called Operation Nemesis.  By the end of 1922 dozens of top Turkish leaders were extra-judicially brought to justice.

Understanding the chain of events which led to Nemesis offers important insight to the current difficulties faced by Armenians to achieve reparations and restitution for the crimes committed by Ottoman Turkey.

Post World War I

As early as May of 1915, the Allied powers formally accused the Ottoman government of crimes against humanity (a term which would be made infamous thirty years later following the Holocaust).  However, following World War I, France focused its outrage on Germany and pursued rapprochement with the Turks.  After the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917, Russia lost all interest in bringing the Young Turks to justice.  And despite the well-documented and harrowing accounts of American diplomats, including Ambassador Henry Morgenthau Sr., America did not take serious steps to punish murders that killed non-Americans.  More than any other Allied Power, Britain took the massacre of Armenians seriously.

In 1918, Britain had an occupying force of over a million soldiers in the Ottoman Empire which allowed it to exert extensive pressure on the post-war government of Sultan Mehmet VI.  Furthermore, the developed British legal system wanted to hold individual members of Ottoman leadership criminally responsible for war crimes.  The Sultan, however, feared that if he took large-scale action to prosecute the Young Turks it would provoke a nationalist revolution where he would be overthrown.

Turkish Courts-Martial

In 1919 under British pressure, the Sultan ordered domestic Turkish courts-martial to try Ittihadist (Committee of Union and Progress) leaders of the Ottoman Empire.  By April, over 100 top Turkish officials were under arrest.  In custody were the grand vizier, the sheikh ul-Islam, the president of the council of state, a former director of intelligence, the commander of the garrison at Yozgat (the site of some of the most heinous Armenian massacres), several former valis (provincial governors) from Smyrna, Bogazlian, Mosul, Broussa, and Diarbekir, the ministers of justice and public instruction, along with dozens of others.  Subsequently four major trials began: for Armenian massacres and deportations in Yozgat and in Trebizond, of Ittihadist leaders, and finally for wartime Turkish cabinet members.  There were lesser trials for atrocities in Harput, Mosul, Baiburt and Erzinjan.  More trials for atrocities in Adana, Aleppo, Bitlis, Diarbekir, Erzerum, Marash, and Van were planned but never held.

The first verdicts handed down by the tribunals found Major Tevfik Bey, commander of the Yozgat police, and Yozgat lieutenant governor Kemal Bey guilty of organizing deportations, murder, pillage, robbery and crimes against humanity and civilization.  Tevfik was sentenced to fifteen years of hard labor and Kemal to death.  Kemal Bey’s funeral became a rallying point for Turkish nationalists who were still not convinced Turks had done wrong during the war and were insulted that punishments were being doled out for killing Christians.

The courts-martial continued against prominent leaders including Said Halim Pasha, as well as those who had fled to Germany, including Talaat and Enver, who were tried and sentenced to death in absentia.  The indictment of Talaat and Enver read in part:

“The disaster visiting the Armenians was not a local or isolated event.  It was the result of premeditated decision taken by a central body; and the immolations and excesses which took place were based on oral and written orders issued by the central body.”

At the same time, politics began destroying the domestic tribunals.  The British army presence shrank by over two-thirds—along with its authority.  As dozens of the accused Turks began being released, the British gave up on the Ottoman trials and decided to take custody of sixty-eight of the most prominent prisoners who were guilty of the most heinous crimes and transfer them to a British detention center in Malta.  This left the Turkish courts-martial a toothless farce.

Malta International Tribunals

After taking custody of the prisoners, the British assumed that they could implement British-style trials to attain a just conclusion.  The idea of having show trials or summarily executing the prisoners was dismissed outright.  However, an unusual problem presented itself: the Armenians were slaughtered en masse, but the massacres were carried out under Ottoman sovereignty and not under British law.  Since international law had not yet developed, a new kind of criminal law was needed: a crime against humanity (this same problem flustered the planners of Nuremberg).

Unfortunately, the British were slow to set up tribunals even after the signing of the Treaty of Sevres in August 1920, which included five articles on war crimes including language calling for Turks “guilty of criminal acts [to be] brought before the military tribunals” and even carved out a new independent Armenian state.  The British were left in a quagmire, not wanting to release the prisoners and not having the political will to prosecute.

As Mustafa Kemal Ataturk’s nationalist revolt gained strength, defeating French troops in Cilicia, the British began cutting their losses.  By 1920, War Secretary Winston Churchill was clearly weary of the entire issue.  He wanted to make sure that Ataturk would not be pushed into the arms of the Soviet Union.  When pressed to choose between prosecuting war criminals and protecting British soldiers, Churchill did not hesitate to advocate choosing the latter.

The final straw came in August of 1921 when Ataturk’s nationalists took a group of 29 Britons hostage and demanded the release of all Turkish prisoners who remained in Malta jails.  All fifty-nine remaining Turks in custody were subsequently freed.  Finally, as a further insult, the Treaty of Lausanne was signed in July 1923 by Ataturk, containing no clauses on war crimes tribunals and no mention of an independent Armenia.  British Prime Minister Lloyd George referred to the treaty as an “abject, cowardly and infamous surrender.”

In Comparison with Nuremberg

The lessons learned from the failed attempts of international justice following World War I, along with the political commitment to punish wartime aggression led to the Nuremberg trials, criminally prosecuting the leadership of Nazi Germany.  Henry Morgenthau Jr. (son of Ottoman-era US Ambassador Henry Morgenthau Sr.) led calls to summarily execute all top Nazi leaders without any trials.  However, the plan set forth by War Secretary Henry Stimson to put the criminals on trial won out.

The Allied effort (led by the United States), to punish the Nazis was undertaken mostly out for retribution for the Nazi instigation of the war, rather than just punishing the perpetrators of the Holocaust.  While the intention was to punish the Nazis for starting the war, the legacy left by the trials is that it was an effort to punish crimes against humanity, namely the Holocaust.  By 1963 over 2000 Germans were sentenced, nearly 700 to death.  These trials have subsequently led to the 1948 adoption of the UN Genocide Convention as well as the later creation of the International Criminal Court.

Aftermath

Had the war crimes tribunals held in Constantinople been given the opportunity to uncover evidence and document high-level testimony, as was stipulated by the Treaty of Sevres, it would have been significantly more difficult for subsequent Turkish governments to deny, distort or minimize Turkish culpability for the Armenian Genocide.  For Britain, it was in their strategic interest to leave Constantinople.  For Ataturk, nationalist fervor led to the establishment of the Turkish Republic on the blood of murdered Armenians.  For the Armenians, abandoned by the international community, justice became an elusive concept.

Unlike Germany, whose Nazi-era leaders were held criminally responsible and punished, the Turkish Republic has never confronted the Armenian Genocide.  In the short-run, the lack of adequate criminal prosecution of Young Turk leaders following the Armenian Genocide led to vigilante justice to preserve Armenian dignity.  In the long-run it has caused decades of denial, and has given a path for the successor state to avoid reparations.  However, during the past five decades, Armenians worldwide have persevered to attain global recognition of the Armenian Genocide. While the perpetrator generation of Turks may have escaped justice, what remains is the civil and territorial compensation to the Armenian people from the benefactors of Genocide.

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Verba Volant, Scripta Manent: The Words of My Grandfather that Never Flew Away

By Noushig Karpanian

I am the (un)fortunate grandchild of four individuals who all had their respective immediate experiences with the Genocide.

On my mother’s side, my grandfather Hagop DerHagopian was orphaned, (and only given his last name at the orphanage on account of his first name). He was dropped off at an Armenian orphanage by the Kurdish family who took him in after his entire family was murdered and they sought to raise him as one of their own, giving him the Kurdish name, Sedya. They realized the child who was crying for his “mama” fiercely resisted the Kurdish ways and might never replace “mama” with “ummi” as they had hoped. My grandmother, Yeghsapet Minasian survived a bit more unscathed, losing only one brother during the marches in the confusion and chaos of deportation.

I am currently working on translating my grandfather’s life memoirs from Armenian to English. I’ve included an excerpt here wherein my grandfather describes his agonizing solitude in Marash in 1922, when his mother, with no choice after her husband and his brother were murdered, flees from Marash, eventually making it to Damascus and wherein his younger siblings eventually join her via the American missionaries and generous efforts of the Near East Relief. My grandfather was 21 years old in 1922 and unable to legally leave Turkey because he was of conscription age, and only succeeds in leaving Marash when he surrenders to his fate.

************

Pages 750-753

In the beginning of 1922 my brother Nshan left Marash and headed to Lebanon to the city of Jebeil where he stayed approximately one year at the Near East Relief Society orphanage before heading to Damascus to join our mother.

A few months after Nshan’s departure, Mairanoush, my sister, also left to Haleb with American missionaries/orphanages and from there joined my mother; my mother hadn’t yet made it to Damascus.

It was after Nshan and Mairanoush left Marash that I was completely and utterly alone and my situation seemed unbearable to me.

Every minute of every day, I would ponder and contemplate how I also might be able to escape Marash, my birthplace, which before my very eyes looked like nothing other than hell; but not a means nor a method presented itself as the obstacles in my way were many.

Two or three times I made attempts to requisite governmental divisions to gain legal exit, however my filed petitions were rejected. I failed. I was unsuccessful given that I was of age for conscription.  After my petition would make its way past a few divisions, it would remain stuck at the military officer’s desk. I could not be seen by them, and in that way I would face failure.

One day I took my petition request to the police station. A few days later I returned to receive an answer but the police chief, a man with a brute face, told me that my background check did not raise any suspicions however, since I’ve shaved my mustache they are concerned that I do not resemble the photograph on file.

I replied, “Efendi, my mustache stubble is new, however one side has grown in black while the other blond; I have shaved it in hopes that they will grow in similar color.”

Wouldn’t you like this response from the police chief? He told me to come back in eight days without shaving my mustache in order to verify my reply.

He wrote his notes on my application and gave them to me. I took my papers, and pursued a few others avenues but my papers once again got stuck in the military office. And that’s where they remained as I never went back to claim them given my unsuccessful attempts thus far.

Days would pass, months would pass, however I still remained in Marash unable to gain a means to escape the borders of my ravished birthplace.

The majority of the city’s Armenian population, with no choice in the matter, left their homes, properties and riches and fled to Syria, Lebanon and beyond. Every day my worry intensified; when would I also, and through what means, would I free myself from this hell incarnate of a place? I was burdened by my own constant questioning; there were hardly any Armenians left in Marash. Only God knows how many times I got up on my feet to head away from the city, however, I did not succeed due to one thousand and one obstacles. Many a times I thought to embark on my exit with my government papers in hand, but those were no longer in my possession.  And it was like this that I surrendered to what fate had in store, to what was literally written on my forehead, my destiny, my jagadakeer, though I had never believed in such a surrender before. For, how is it that without your own extension of your hand that an apple will make its way from the tree to your mouth?

************

My grandfather’s escape reads like a movie script; the scenes are vividly haunting and though I myself am proof of his survival, every time I re-read the pages, I do so nervously, biting my nails, forgetting to breathe, incessantly flipping the pages just to make sure he escapes successfully and that no one points out his ingenious disguise to Turkish gendarmes. My grandfather was of the fortunate few who not only “made it” but who was also lucky enough to be reunited with his family whom he had no contact with for over two years. The scenes he recaps of their reunion are gut-wrenching and bittersweet, although they are not unique. So many stories like his occurred, but so many are unfortunately lost, or might only circulate orally and will soon be lost.

My grandfather made it very clear that he realized his good fortune in surviving the Genocide, in being reunited with his family members who had also survived and he thus wrote thousands of pages during his lifetime to preserve those stories so that his children and then unborn grandchildren would avenge the injustices that befell the Armenians, and that the world would thus never forget the monstrosities they faced. I now hope to do my humble part as I attempt to translate his story, Our Story. Armed with his words, which serve as my inspiration and compass, I hope that I am one step closer to realizing his wishes.

*Latin proverb which, literally translated, means “spoken words fly away, written words remain.”

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Understanding the Nagorno-Karabakh Peace Process

The Coat of Arms of Nagorno-Karabakh

  • From 1923-1988, the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh lived under the jurisdiction of Soviet Azerbaijan, with the territory designated as an autonomous region separated from Armenia proper.
  • May, 1994- As a result of the war over 11,500 sq. km are liberated.  The Shahumian region remains under Azeri control.  There is no international recognition of Karabakh.
  • November, 1994- A Russian-brokered cease-fire between Yerevan, Stepanakert, and Baku brings the conflict to a de facto end. It is assumed Russian peace keepers will be deployed to facilitate return of refugees. Cease-fire is superseded by the Bucharest summit on December 5-6.
  • July, 1997- OSCE Minsk Group submits a package agreement to resolve the conflict, proposing the return of Nagorno-Karabakh as a region within Azerbaijan consisting of 4.4 thousand sq. km and the Lachin corridor. The proposal calls for the deployment of international peacemakers to secure and the return of displaced Azerbaijanis, while the Armenians of Karabakh are to receive Azerbaijani passports. The Armenian side rejects the proposal.
  • December, 1997- Step-by-Step proposal is presented which would withdraw Karabakh forces to 1988 boundaries (keeping the Lachin corridor) and leave the permanent status of Karabakh for future determination.  The proposal is rejected by Nagorno-Karabakh.

A Map of Nagorno-Karabakh

  • November, 1998- Common State solution is presented where Karabakh forces would withdraw to 1988 boundaries.  Nagorno-Karabakh would become an independent state and, with Azerbaijan, form a common state.  The status of Lachin is left undetermined.  The proposal is rejected by Azerbaijan.
  • Spring, 2001- An unofficial proposal is presented during talks in Paris and in Key West, Florida suggesting the unification of Armenia with Nagorno-Karabakh and the Lachin corridor. In exchange, Azerbaijan is promised a corridor of its own through connecting to Nakhichevan through southern Armenia. The proposal is rejected by Azerbaijan.
  • November, 2007- OSCE Minsk Group proposes the so-called “Madrid Principles” to Yerevan and Baku outlining a step-by-step approach to resolve the conflict. An international peace-keeping force to secure the return of Azeri refugees is envisioned, while 7,000 sq km of liberated Karabakh territory is returned to Azerbaijan. Nagorno-Karabakh is reduced to 4,400 sq km, with its only connection to Armenia maintained through the Lachin corridor and Kelbajar. Karabakh is promised an interim status to be determined at an undeclared date in the future by referendum. This is the current proposal under consideration today.

The ARF on Karabakh

Armenian Revolutionary Federation

Karabakh is an integral part of Armenia and the Armenian Revolutionary Federation has pursued its reunification with Armenia. The annexation of Karabakh to Azerbaijan was a result of arbitrary plotting by Stalin in the early 1920s and the people of Karabakh have never accepted that arrangement.

During Soviet rule, at every opportunity, and most recently in 1988, the majority of the population of Karabakh had peacefully raised their quest for reunification with Armenia; Azerbaijan responded by violence not only in Karabakh, but all over Azerbaijan.

In Karabakh, Armenians defended themselves and in 1991, declared the formation of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. A just and lasting resolution of the Karabakh conflict should guarantee security and viability for Karabakh and Armenia. Eventually, the de facto reunification with Armenia should be granted de jure recognition.

Attaining this recognition is a priority for the ARF‐Dashnaktsutyun.

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Have and Have Not’s: Reflections on Shushi, Yerevan, and LA

By: Vrej Haroutounian

I woke up at 8 AM to the face of an old lady wearing a blue dress covered with yellow flowers. She told me breakfast was ready. I smiled because she had a smile on her face. She knew I was up late the night before hanging out with my friends in the courtyard, drinking tea and conversing about our lives.

I made my way to the breakfast table where some of my friends were as well. We all sat down to a breakfast table set with butter, yogurt, cheese, hot dog, and jam made from a berry plant that grew all over the city. At that moment I realized that, other than the hot dog, all of the food came from sources that were within 50 feet of where I was sitting. Most of it was from the cow that was outside in the barn.

I was in Sushi, a war torn city that was taken back a few years ago by a people that were determined to choose their own future and had made it happen. While I was buttering my toast, I was thinking, “Wow, everything I am eating here is purely organic” (I didn’t eat the hot dog). These organic products were what people in LA would easily pay top dollar for. I could already imagine it at Trader Moe’s, priced at $4 a jar, labeled “Organic Raspberry Jam” along with the butter and cheese.

A few weeks later I am in Yerevan sitting at a café. If you’ve been to Yerevan in the last 20 years you know it’s not hard to find a café in gendron (Central downtown). Many of the beautifully designed Soviet era parks that were once there have been covered by Cafés since independence. The free market is well in progress. Restaurants with international names and themes, billboards everywhere, and European fashion walking up and down the streets on the fit bodies of the masses. As they stroll up and down Northern Ave, I watch them and they watch me.

The cell phone store has congestion from people waiting for service, the restaurants are full, the high-end boutiques are well-lit and awaiting customers. Yet, above the stores, all the lights are off. The residents there are corporations or Diasporans who have purchased these larger-than-life homes or offices on the city’s main promenade. They seem to be occupied only a few months out of the year.

I walk around the corner into one of the large supermarkets that have recently opened. Inside, I find processed yogurt with fruit, imported cheeses, frozen chicken and beef products. The place shines, it glows. It’s staffed by younger women in tight clothing who sell racks and racks of imported foods and imported lifestyle. It oozes of sex appeal.

A few months pass by and I am back in Los Angeles. I read in a newspaper that a new law has outlawed street vending in Yerevan. I read another article a few weeks later about how the Pag Shooga (indoor farmers’ market) will close for renovations after which some of the vendors will not be returning due to higher rent costs and larger retail spaces. A few weeks later I read about the workday increasing to six days a week. I start asking, “If everyone in Armenia is complaining that there is no work, then why is the workday being increased to six days a week for certain industries?”

A few days later outside my studio I am conversing with a colleague. I ask her why it is that most people in Yerevan could not wait to shop at supermarkets for factory-farm produced chicken, cellophane wrapped tomatoes, and processed dairy, while the biggest food movement in Los Angeles is organic, small farmer and locally grown foods. She replies, “People want what they don’t have.” I ask her why she thinks that is, and she says, “Well, if you get something that you didn’t have it proves to you and others that you worked hard and got it, that you got something that you did not have before.” We exchange smiles because it makes sense.

See, the have-nots in LA can’t get organic food—which is reserved for the haves—and the have-nots in Yerevan can’t get food from the supermarkets because it’s for the haves. At the end, we both agree that organic food is a better choice overall for the health and long-term sustainability of an economy.

In the end, it comes down to education, choice and discipline. Things are worth the value you assign them. What is two cups of water worth to you? Is it a walk to the kitchen, five-minute wait, a search for a water fountain, or one dollar at a gas station or a convenience store? Hopefully you picked all of the options except the last two, because if you picked the last two, you gave someone a dollar for something you could have had for a much lower cost. I use a bottle of water as an example of how wealth is trickled up by the many and placed in the hands of the few. Bottling water and making it available everywhere can exploit a simple human need for hydration. Every day people give their wealth and power over to others. When you pay $30 for a dress that in materials costs pennies, you trade your labor and efforts for something that marketing has convinced you is worth that by branding it. If your $1,000 dollar purse producer named Smoochi or Louis Mutton, made a great purse with materials that cost a few dollars of leather and zipper, then they could literally sell it for a few dollars, and more people would buy it because it would have the highest demand. But why don’t they? Because then the masses would all have it and the separation of perceived wealth would not exist. So they keep the price high and keep you wanting.  It’s the same with cars, food, and what is called lifestyles.

So coming back to Armenia, I ask, “What is going on?” Well, it’s simple! The wealthy open supermarkets, which attract the populous like a moth to a flame, trying to be a have because, all of a sudden, they were told they were have-nots. The international media and local media create further want in the local population. All of a sudden, local tomatoes are not good enough and the dimly-lit grocery store at the bottom of the building starts looking ugly compared to the shiny markets seen on TV.  They buy the cellophane wrapped tomato at a premium price and feel accomplished. Soon, the local storeowner realizes his customers are buying less, and eventually a law is created that puts street vendors completely out of business. Now, the supermarkets have less competition and the free market has gotten less free.

As the supermarkets increasingly sprout up, foreign banks further fuel the fire by lending money to oligarchs who turn around and happily spend it on their wants of luxurious lifestyles, creating further separation of the haves and have-nots. As small local markets disappear and the supermarkets multiply, the only competition left is between large chains. The prices increase dramatically ever since people decided that the tomatoes at the market were better, that a bottle of water was worth $1, and a Louis Mutton purse was worth $1000. Now since the supermarkets have taken over the neighborhood and the local groceries are closed, the population starts buying cars, which they need to lug the bulk food from the “NEW” discount supermarket located outside of the city.

A few years later, European clothes on thin, petite bodies are replaced by unhealthy Yerevantsis stuck in traffic listening to commercials on how to lose weight. Twenty years later, Trader Moe’s opens in Yerevan and sells them back the raspberry jam that they were tired of, for 300 times more then what it cost before.

All over the world, we are a generation that has been giving away our freedom through laziness, lack of education, and discipline to corporate power which has corrupted many governments worldwide. So I ask Armenians everywhere to start being conscious of their buying choices. It is not easy, due to the prevailing culture in most countries that we are located in, but it is possible. I ask you to think twice when you buy that bottle of water, that Panini, that Smoochi purse.  Your sports car payment can buy a tractor for a village. Your Starbucks coffee can feed a family for a week and your new 82” TV is someone’s annual income. Start thinking about how much change your conscious spending can create in our homeland and the countries we are currently in.

This struggle is of one against the exploitation of all people worldwide. It is a struggle against a system that is corrupt and is failing; it is time for us to invest in creating a new system worldwide, while making sure that the failed system of “free markets” does not spread further in Armenia.

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Displaced Person Strengthening Communities; The Story of the Montebello DPs

Montebello Scouts at Independence Day Celebration, 1949


In the 1940’s, Adolf Hitler and his Nazi army battled Russia for control of Eastern Europe in World War II. Consequently, tens of thousands of people who called these warn torn pieces of land home were reluctantly uprooted and shipped off to labor camps in Germany. Among the thousands of displaced persons, or DPs, were Armenians.

Albert Petrossian, one of the DPs who established Montebello’s Armenian Community, recalls life in these camps. “We lived in labor camps, maybe 800 Armenians in some, 400 people in others. It was a mixture of Russians, Armenians, Ukrainians.”

For the Armenians – along with the estimated 11 to 20 million displaced persons in Europe at the time – the future was uncertain. Many of them, like Petrossian, couldn’t return home because their home was constantly switching borders between the Nazis and the Soviets – life under either regime’s rule was far from enticing.

When the Americans liberated Germany in 1945, the Axis powers made available a large army barrack called Funker Kaseme Camp for the Armenians to live in. “It was beautiful, just beautiful,” explains Petrossian. “All the Armenians found out about this camp near Stuttgart and started flocking there. We eventually had over 2,000 Armenians.”

By 1946, the camp had well over 2,000 Armenians, and was known by many in the region as Little Armenia. Supported by the U.S. Army, the Armenians created a world that somehow seemed indifferent to the hardships and atrocities of war they had all born witness to. They wasted no time improvising the concept of home as the DP’s built a tight knit community from scratch.

“We had a school, church, theater, stores, restaurants, bakeries,” remembers Petrossian. “It was a very happy life for us, especially for the kids.”

Eventually, the DPs of Europe needed to be placed somewhere. Luckily for the Armenians at Stuttgart, General George Mardikian, an Armenian American in charge of the American food supply at the camps, personally saw to it that the Armenian DPs made it to United States.

Displaced again – but experienced in the art of survival. The DPs settled in the East Los Angeles city of Montebello ready to sew the roots of a prosperous and bustling Armenian American Community.

The Montebello Armenians fashioned their community much like the one at the camp, and paved the way for future Armenian communities in the Southern California Area.

The Holy Cross Church, Bagramian Hall, and Tumanjian Hall near the corner of Lincoln and Montebello Blvd were among the first staples of the Montebello Armenian community. The first Armenian school in Los Angeles, Armenian Mesrobian School, opened its doors in Montebello in 1965.

In 1968, the Montebello Armenian community also built the Armenian Genocide Martyrs Monument. It is the first and only monument commemorating the memory of the victims of the Armenian genocide on public land in the world. “We wanted to keep our history, teach the history of Armenia, and keep everyone together.”

After much hard work the San Gabriel Valley ANCA recently succeeded in approving the installment of a massive freeway sign on Route 60 Freeway noting the “Armenian Genocide Martyrs Monument” near Montebello. This will be the first time the word “Armenian Genocide” will permanently be inscribed on US soil.

With the ideals of community and cultural awareness embedded in the consciousness of many Montebello youth, the Vahan Cardashian-AYF chapter is building on the very foundations set almost 70 years ago- a foundation rooted in community, in our own “Little Armenia”.  Ani Petrossian, a grandchild of Montebello DP’s describes the current state of the chapter and community as whole. “Our agoumps [Armenian Centers] have become nothing less than a second home and our members have become extended members of a larger family”.

A place where formalities are non-existent and friendships ever present; Montebello has become a perfect Saroyan cliché. Where members of a displaced community have planted roots for their own Armenia outside the motherland. The local AYF chapter holds cooking classes where mothers teach the younger generation of traditional favorites and the younger badanees hold dinners for families to come together, connect with friends, and make new ones.

Many of the AYF membership come from Displaced Families. Just like their parents and grandparents before them, they have continued to take responsible in the community and their Armenian identities. Nick Cabraloff states, “we feel like it is an obligation for us to take an active role in the community, in one that has done so much for us.”

From the United States to France, Syria to Lebanon, and any other country which boasts an Armenian Population; Dislocated Armenians, such as ones from the Montebello community have come together to prove that Armenia is not just a location on a map, but rather a state of mind.

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Their Generation, My Generation – Berj Parseghian

Berj Parseghian

Name: Berj Parseghian
Hometown: Pasadena

Berj joined AYF when he was 16 and has gone on to play a leadership role both at a chapter and central level. In 2008, he had the opportunity to lead the AYF’s Youth Corps summer program in Armenia. In addition, Berj has been involved in the Student Anti-Genocide Coalition (STAND), Amnesty International, and teaches martial arts to over 100 students. He is currently working on his Masters in Education and teaches history at Armenian Mesrobian School to grades 6-12.

Growing up, he describes how the mood of anger in his family about the past was one that he didn’t fully understand until he matured. “You’re supposed to come to understand the past and move on, live life,” he says. “But some pasts are hard to move on from; some pasts won’t leave a family or a nation alone. Some pasts define who you are. “

Nevertheless, Berj holds out a hope for reconciliation one day being achieved. “I simply want the trampling to end and a constructive future to be built,” he says. “Living in fear, hate, and pain sets up endless roadblocks. These roadblocks need to be taken down without trampling people.”

“That means the future must be based on truth and humanity,” he insists, calling for “common sense solutions that will ease troubles away with time, and not brew anger, distrust, and hate from any side of the aisle.”

Linking this hope for the future with his current activism, Berj explains, “This is why I’m active in the AYF and our community. Real solutions don’t come easy, they take persistent hard work, lots of time, and a positive outlook by everyone involved.”

Ancestor

Vahan Parseghian

Name: Vahan Parseghian
Relation: Grandfather
Hometown: Bursa

At the age of about ten years old, one day Vahan goes into the fields and sees Ottoman soldiers and tanks surrounding his village. Soon after, all of the inhabitants are told to lock their doors and come out. They are told they will be taken somewhere for a few days and then be brought back.

In reality, they were to be taken to Der Zor by train, encountering bandits along the way who spoke of how they were going to slaughter the Armenians.

Vahan saw dead bodies being eaten by crows, women and girls being grabbed and tossed around by their hair, and men being taken apart from groups to be murdered. Him and his sister witnessed the murder of their family of eight, and were spared only because they were able to hide beneath dead bodies undetected. Soon, they would be picked up and taken to an orphanage in Syria where they would be split up, with Vahan ending up in Lebanon and his sister in Bulgaria. They never saw each other again.

Berj recalls the following about his grandfather: “He was a principled man, hard as stone, and troubled, to put it lightly. He showed and received no emotion, living and passing on a life haunted by the worst of experiences that never left him alone.”

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Their Generation, My Generation – Emineh Noravian

Emineh Noravian

Name: Emineh Noravian
Hometown: La Crescenta

After many years of attending AYF Camp as a camper and then a counselor, I joined the camp’s committee and management and came to a realization that it was time to join the AYF. I have been a part of the La Crescenta “Zartonk” Chapter for almost 3 years now and dedicate a lot of my time and effort into the Armenian community. I have come to learn a lot about my heritage and myself ever since doing so. Taking this step has also taught me a lot about other cultures with similar struggles and has opened a lot of doors for me to gain knowledge about my family and ancestor’s past.

I’ve always learned from my mother, grandmother and great-uncle about our family history but it wasn’t until recently that I found out about who my great-grandfather was and what he did that really made me realize what an impact my role makes in the AYF. It gives me a great sense of pride to learn that my great-grandfather fought with some of the greatest figures of the ARF.

Today, we work and fight in a far different way than that of my great-grandfather and our other ancestors. We fight for what we believe in more with our words and our actions, yes, but I can only imagine how it must have felt for someone to once leave home with only a weapon, on horse or on foot, with only a small chance of return.

Ancestor

Yeghishe Pahlavuni

Name: Yeghishe Pahlavuni
Relation: Great Grandfather
Hometown: Igdir

My family traces its roots to the Pahlavunis, an Armenian noble family during the last years of the Bagratuni royal dynasty. The famous Amberd “fortress in the clouds” and Bjni were built and controlled by my family, the Pahlavunis.

My great-grandfather, Yeghishe Pahlavuni, carried on this noble tradition by serving as a heroic and well respected figure in the Armenian national liberation movement.

Born in Igdir in 1884, my great-grandfather finished his schooling in his hometown and went on to study in military academies in Russia and Poland. In his youth he befriended General Dro and was a pupil of Avedis Aharonian. His house was frequently visited by generals, freedom fighters, and revolutionary activists.

He became a fedayi and participated in numerous battles as a commander alongside the legendary General Antranik, Kerri and Ishkhan during WWI. He helped defend and liberate many towns and villages from the Tatars in the oil fields of Baku in Azerbaijan, which was home to a large number of Armenians at the time. As one of the leaders, he organized the evacuation of those Armenians towards Enzeli in northern Iran when the Turks occupied Baku in 1918. We was then summoned to help in Armenia where, during the Armeno-Turkish war, he was captured as a POW for over a year. He later returned to Armenia, only to be captured again, this time by the CHEKA, the Soviet secret police. He was exiled to Tashkent-Siberia but managed to escape and eventually make his way to Tabriz, Iran in 1925.

He dedicated his whole life to the ARF and the Armenian Cause, especially in the Iranian Armenian community where he lived the last 35 years of his life. He died on February 3, 1961, in Tehran, at the age of 76.

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Their Generation, My Generation – Arpa Hatzbanian

Name: Arpa Hatzbanian
Hometown: Glendale

Arpa is an active member of the La Crescenta “Zartonk” AYF. She has long been involved in the community as both a student and AYF member, taking on leadership positions, volunteering for organizations such as the ANC and serving on countless committees in the AYF. She is currently studying to pursue a career in the field of education.

As a child, Arpa spent a lot of time with her maternal grandmother who told her stories about her great-grandfather and especially “Jebel Musa” (Musa Ler). She spoke about people resisting and struggling.

“Hearing these stories made me aware that there was more important things than just myself,” says Hatzbanian. “Although this sounds cliché, I’m not exaggerating. I always had the will to make a difference and make something of my life so I could live up to the family name.”

She describes how the passing of her maternal grandfather, Antranig Ourfalian, after her 15th birthday was a turning point in her life. The impact he had in the Armenian community was motivational for her.

“Today, when my work in the AYF begins to get too hectic,” she explains, “I remember two things: my grandmother’s stories—and how much easier my struggles are—and my grandfather’s lasting impact. With these memories, I will keep working hard and help motivate my ungers, so together we can honor our ancestors and leave a lasting impact.”

Ancestor

Name: Serop Sherbetjian
Relation: Great Grandfather
Hometown: Musa Ler

During the Genocide, Musa Ler (a mountainous region on the Mediterranean coast) was attacked by the Turks but the brave people fought back and were victorious. It was one of the rare instances of self-defense organized by Armenians and their heroic stance has been memorialized in Franz Werfel’s epic novel, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh.

For a short period, those who survived Musa Ler were brought back to their homes with the help of the French. At this time, Serop became the Muidur (mayor) of the region. He did his best, given the conditions, to serve his people who had worked so hard to keep their sacred land.

By the onset of World War II, however, relations between France and Turkey changed and the people of Musa Ler were once again exiled from their lands, this time to Anjar, Lebanon. In Anjar, Serop and his family were able to create a very influential Armenian community where he continued his leadership role as the first mayor. Until today, Anjar maintains a strong Armenian community.

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State of the Arts – Sako Design

HAYTOUG: Can you tell us a little about yourself? Some background on where you’re from and how you got involved in art in general?

SAKO SHAHINIAN: I was born in Beirut, Lebanon. At the age of eight my family and I moved to the Unites States. As a child I drew everything I saw or wanted to see. Buses, animals, tanks, and explosions are just a few examples of my childhood drawings. In fact, the drawings I completed helped hone my skills as an artist. Throughout high school I would complete a sketchbook every few months with elaborate doodles, studies, and illustrations. Hence, I continued this passion in my formal education at Art Center College of Design in Pasadena, Ca. Upon graduation from Art Center, I quit my part time job at an advertising company and started freelancing.

H: Is your foundation based on formal training or did you develop your talent in other avenues?

SS: Self-motivation and self-education has always been the core of my training. However, I am always eager to learn new techniques and explore different areas in Art. I have taken private lessons by countless local artists, signed up for drawing sessions, and participated in various art shows. During high school, I enrolled in many art classes such as figure drawing, life drawing, painting, etc. Furthermore, I graduated from the Los Angeles County High School of the Arts. After graduation, I enrolled in figure drawing classes at Glendale Community College in order to prepare for a possible acceptance to Art Center College of Design. Soon after, I was accepted to the Art Center College of Design Illustration department where my formal training officially began.

H: How would you describe your style?

SS: I have always been torn between style and function. Some viewers suggest my artwork can be characterized by a particular style, but my ultimate concern is to be functional. Each job requires a different style and purpose; therefore, I believe an artist must possess the ability to function within those diverse circumstances. I consider my work to have an attitude rather than a style. Artists go through great lengths just to create a style of their own, however, when a particular job calls for another type of style, it becomes difficult for such artists to be functional.

Sample of Sako Shahinian's graphic design work

H: Can you tell us a little about Sako Designs? When did it start, what kind of things do you do and what are some key projects that you’ve worked on?

SS: In 2004, I officially launched Sako Designs. Throughout the years, I have worked on interesting projects within very different industries. For example, in the music industry, I have worked with System of a Down and Wiz  Khalifa.

In the magazine and print industry, I have created a cover for Progressive Magazine and an illustration piece for The New Yorker. Some other key projects I’ve worked on include commercial companies such as Nintendo, where I created a graphic animation for their main store in New York, and Camel Cigarettes, where I developed a concept for the packaging.

H: Is your focus on print and design only or do you dabble in other mediums as well?

SS: I don’t limit myself to print and design. I work with multiple mediums such as motion, photography, corporate branding, and product development.

H: For many people, finding motivation to be creative and developing original concepts is not easy. Where do you find your inspiration?

SS: Unfortunately, there is no inspiration well I can tap into every time I have to develop a concept. On the other hand, interest in a subject and just the process of developing something itself is what I need for inspiration.

Another Example of Sako Shahinian's Graphic Skills.

H: What role do you think art and design plays in Armenian culture, especially for us today in the Diaspora?

SS: Art plays a fundamental role in Armenian culture; it is one of the brightest features in our national identity. For many years, in the Diaspora, we have had a preservationist approach towards art, which is understandable, but I would like to see us create more and more art to push forward a newer, better identity for ourselves, rather than a static one.

H: What are some recent and upcoming projects we can expect from you?

SS: I just signed on to a big project called 180South. It’s a new outdoor brand that makes high quality mountaineering and expedition gear. I am in charge of creative direction and development of visual. We are slated to launch next year, and are planning a Mt. Ararat expedition. We will be giving 1% of all sales to charitable organizations and plan to make Armenian environmental issues a priority. I hope AYF members who love the outdoors could participate in the brand and we can voice our common concerns together.

H: How can people get in touch with your company if they want to commission any work?

SS: My contact information can be found on my website: sakodesigns.com

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